Motanul Incaltat

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Despre comunism

Interesant ce citim in Aldinele Romaniei Libere:

Comunismul veşnic

de Alexandru Mihalcea

Printre altele iata ce zice:

„După cum explică Togliatti în 1926: „Fireşte, avem statutele Internaţionalei Comuniste care garantează câteva drepturi câtorva tovarăşi; dar există ceva ce nu figurează în statute, anume poziţia partidului rus în Internaţionala Comunistă, funcţia sa de comandă. Aceasta este deasupra statutelor.„”(subl. si trimiterea catre Wikipedia, ale mele)

Despre Jacques Rossi aflam lucruri interesante tot din Wikipedia – aici.

Iata ce spune, printre altele, Wikipedia despre Togliatti:

„The same has been said of Togliatti’s judgement of Stalin’s policies: after the communist leader’s death in 1953, he had stated that „Joseph Stalin is a titan of thought and action. His name is to be given to an entire century…”. Later on, in 1956, after the de-Stalinization process, he had declared that: „Stalin has disseminated false and exaggerated theses, and was victim of an almost desperate perspective of endless persecution”.[citation needed] In the following year, Togliatti repeatedly stated that he had been unaware of Stalin’s crimes. The „Italian road to Socialism” he propounded from that moment moved the Italian Communist Party to more democratic and independent positions, which would lead to events such as the PCI’s condemnation of the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in a famous speech given by Enrico Berlinguer in Moscow.

Despite such contradictions, Togliatti is considered by some politicians as one among the creators of Republican Italy and of its Constitution.”

Si cu toate acestea nu trebuie uitat ca Partidul Comunist Italian era cel mai mare partid comunist dintr-un stat capitalist. Pe vremea lui Berlinguer la alegerile generale din 1976 castiga 34,4% din voturi!!! Iata ce spune despre PCI Wikipedia:

„In the mid 1960s the U.S. State Department estimated the party membership to be approximately 1,350,000 (4.2% of the working age population, the proportionally largest communist party in the capitalist world at the time, and the largest party at all in whole western Europe with the German SPD).[6]”

Interesant este ca Berlinguer, incet, incet, incepuse sa se distanteze de Moscova. In ’73 pe cand era intr-o vizita in Bulgaria are un accident de masina considerat un atentat la viata sa pus la cale de Moscova. El sustinea un compromis istoric intre comunisti si crestin-democrati, pentru ca sa asigure Italiei o perioada de stabilitate politica in conditii de criza economica severa si de manevre de lovitura de stat. Dar lucrul cel mai semnificativ mi se pare urmatorul: in ’77 discuta cu Santiago Carrillo si Georges Marchais, la Madrid, liniile fundamentale ale Eurocomunismului!!! Asta nu place Moscovei, nu, nu!! Iata ce zice Wikipedia:

„A few months later Berlinguer was again in Moscow, where he gave another speech which was poorly received by his hosts, and published by Pravda only in a censored version.”

Pai nu le placea rusilor ca erau cam out din Europa, nu mai vorbesc ca si Ceausescu le dadea cu flit! Iata ce scrie Wikipedia:

„Eurocommunism was in many ways only a staging ground for changes in the political structure of the European left. Some – principally the Italians – became social democrats, while others like the Dutch CPN moved into green politics and the French party during the 1980s reverted to a more pro-Soviet stance.

Eurocommunism became a force across Europe in 1977, when Enrico Berlinguer of the Italian Communist Party (PCI), Santiago Carrillo of the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) and Georges Marchais of the French Communist Party (PCF) met in Madrid and laid out the fundamental lines of the „new way”. The PCI in particular had been developing an independent line from Moscow for many years prior, which had already been exhibited in 1968, when the party refused to support the Soviet invasion of Prague. In 1975 the PCI and the PCE had made a declaration regarding the „march toward socialism” to be done in „peace and freedom”. In 1976 in Moscow, Berlinguer, in front of 5,000 Communist delegates, had spoken of a „pluralistic system” (translated by the interpreter as „multiform”), and described PCI’s intentions to build „a socialism that we believe necessary and possible only in Italy”. The compromesso storico („historic compromise”) with Democrazia Cristiana, stopped by Aldo Moro’s murder in 1978, was a consequence of this new policy.

The collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War put practically all Leftist parties in Europe on the defensive, and made neoliberal reforms the order of the day, many Eurocommunist parties split, with the Right factions (such as Democratici di Sinistra or Iniciativa per Catalunya) adopting social democracy more whole-heartedly, while the Left strove to preserve some identifiably Communist positions (Partito della Rifondazione Comunista or PSUC viu/Communist Party of Spain).” (subl. mea. Si mie mi se pare ca blocul Estic (fost) comunist a fost un sprijin de ordin moral (si poate ca nu numai) foarte important pentru intreaga Stanga politica occidentala. Odata cu prabusirea comunismului si caderea Cortinei de Fier, aceasta stanga a ramas fara acest suport important. Nu este de mirare ca a intrat in deriva si nu prea a mai avut succes (au avut loc si foarte multe separatii, scindari), suferind esecuri sistematice cum s-a intamplat, spre ex, in Franta. Totusi, tendinta comunistilor vestici de a se detasa de PCUS si Moscova era clara inca mai demult. Eu stau si mai intreb daca o revigorare a stangii europene azi ar mai pune pe tapet ideea Eurocomunismului. Asta ar fi interesant de aflat!! :). Demn de atentie este si faptul ca parca se renunta la ideea de „dictatura a proletariatului”, termenul fiind inlocuit cu cel de eurocomunism…).

Iata ce ne spune Wikipedia si despre criticile aduse Eurocomunismului:

„Two main criticisms have been advanced against Eurocommunism. First, it is alleged by right-wing critics that Eurocommunists showed a lack of courage in definitively breaking off from the Soviet Union (the Italian Communist party, for example, took this step only in 1981, after the repression of Solidarność in Poland). This „timidity” has been explained as the fear of losing old members and supporters, many of whom admired the USSR, or with a realpolitik desire to keep the support of a strong and powerful country.

Other critics point out the difficulties the Eurocommunist parties had in developing a clear and recognisable strategy. They observe that Eurocommunists have always claimed to be different – not only from Soviet Communism but also from Social Democracy – while, in practice, they were always very similar to at least one of these two tendencies. Thus, critics argue that Eurocommunism does not have a well defined identity and cannot be regarded as a separate movement in its own right.

From a Trotskyist point of view, Ernest Mandel in From Stalinism to Eurocommunism: The Bitter Fruits of ‘Socialism in One Country’ views Eurocommunism as a subsequent development of the decision taken by the Soviet Union in 1924 to abandon the goal of world revolution and concentrate on social and economic development of the Soviet Union, the Socialism in One Country. Thus the Eurocommunists of the Italian and French Communist parties are considered to be nationalist movements, who together with the Soviet Union abandoned internationalism. This is analogous to the Social democratic parties of the Second International during the First World War, when they supported their national governments in prosecution of the war.

From an Anti-Revisionist point of view, Enver Hoxha in Eurocommunism is Anti-Communism views Eurocommunism as the result of Nikita Khrushchev’s policy of peaceful coexistence. Khrushchev was accused of being a revisionist who encouraged conciliation with the bourgeoisie rather than adequately calling for its overthrow. He also stated that the Soviet Union’s refusal to reject Palmiro Togliatti’s theory of polycentrism encouraged the various pro-Soviet Communist parties to moderate their views in order to join cabinets, which in turn forced them to abandon Marxism-Leninism as their leading ideology.

More generally, from the point of view of most revolutionary left-wing movements, Eurocommunism simply meant an abandonment of basic communist principles, such as the call for a proletarian revolution, which eventually led many Eurocommunists to abandon communism or even socialism altogether (by giving up their commitment to overthrow capitalism). Such critics felt strongly vindicated when several Eurocommunist parties scrapped their communist credentials following the fall of the Soviet Union.„(subl. mea).

august 20, 2010 - Posted by | Uncategorized | , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,

3 comentarii »

  1. […] 20 de ani pentru “situaţia mizerabilă în care a ajuns sistemul de sănătate”. Ca soluţie pentru ieşirea din criză a sistemului de sănătate organizaţia propune ca cei aleşi, de la preşedinte până la consilierul local de la o primărie, […]

    Pingback de Politicienii romani ar trebui sa fie obligati prin lege sa se trateze doar Romania « Hai ca se poate! | august 20, 2010 | Răspunde

  2. […] Din pacate tratativele duse la Stockholm nu au dus la vreun rezultat, asa ca Antonescu a hotarat sa … […]

    Pingback de Se implinesc 66 de ani de la 23 august 1944 « Hai ca se poate! | august 23, 2010 | Răspunde

  3. Din punctul meu de vedere cred ca sistemul trebuie revigorat de principiu de la cap…nu de la coada…(deoarece e deja imputit) de ce nu se fac astfel de controale inainte de intamplarea unor tragedii precum ,,Giulesti” ?

    Comentariu de hidroizolatii | august 25, 2010 | Răspunde

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